Different authors agree that the contemporary food sector is bifurcating into two main zones that respond to different forms of production: standardization in production which encourages mass food consumption patterns with industrialized global food networks on the one hand, and localized, differentiated, and non-standard food production-consumption patterns on the other (Murdoch & Miele, 1999; Kneen, 1995). Both zones have stablished different socio-natural relationships within the market, consumers, and nature (Murdoch & Miele, 1999).

Recently, consumers are beginning to become aware, not only of the origin of food –due to the fact that it is hard for them to have any sense at all of where the standardized food comes from, who produced it, and in which conditions (Kneen, 1995; Murdoch & Miele, 1999)– but also are becoming aware of the social, economic, and ecological impact of the industrialized global food networks (Kneen, 1995).

Thus, Kneen (1995) argues the need to change the principle of distancing, uniformity (or monoculture), and continuous flow for principles of sustainable, equitable, and locally-controlled food systems. The author argues that the conjunction of the aforementioned principles provides society with more meaningful challenges to decrease distance between consumers and their food sources, and to increase consumers’ knowledge of food origin and farming practices.

Short food supply chains have been important ways for creating new linkages between agriculture and society, producers and consumers. They bring consumers closer to the origins of their food, since a key factor of this food supply chains is its capacity to regain consumer trust guaranteeing food quality and by taking advantage of and strengthening the relations of proximity (Renting, Marsden, & Banks, 2003). Short food supply chains are seen as a market space outside traditional marketing channels, that look up for the autonomy of small-scale producers (SSPs), enabling them to actively take part in the food chain and decision making, through limited participation of the commercial middlemen and the direct sale of food to consumers (Pratt, 2007). The short distance between consumers and their food source helps to highlight and preserve agro-food products attributes, such as naturalness, authenticity, and cultural or territorial identity, attributes that can be highly valued by the consumer and may be lost in long food supply chains (Pratt, 2007). Thus, a clear information regarding origin, producers, and the type of farming practices, enable the food to be more desirable for consumption (Murdoch & Miele, 1999).

Short food supply chains also enable the continuous exchange of information that helps consumers to identify the authenticity, attributes, quality, and origin of agro food products (Pratt, 2007). They seek to redefine the producer-consumer relationship by giving clear signals regarding the origin of the food product, using labels on the packaging or personal communication strategies. These actions enable the food product to reach the consumer embedded with information (Marsden, Banks, & Bistrow, 2000).

The capacity of short food supply chains to shorten physical distances between producers and consumers (Kneafsey et. al., 2013) enables a constant development of producer-consumer linkages based on proximity, interpersonal ties, transparency, and trust.

Moreover, authors like Caccia (2012) highlight that short food supply chains create opportunities for local producers by improving the possibilities for sustainable development, social equality, and quality of life in the region. This is attained through the development of local economies outside the dynamic of long food supply chains that jeopardize the autonomy of small-scale producers.

The conception of short chains shows the two key characteristics of this food supply chain: (1) the possibility of a more direct contact between producers and consumers, allowing consumers to make new value judgments about the desirability of foods, commonly defined by either the locality or even the specific farm where they are produced –which serves to draw upon an image of the farm and/or region as a source of quality (Renting et al., 2003)– and (2) the specific socioeconomic benefit that small-scale producers can obtain by means of using short food supply chains for the sale of their products.

Also, various short food supply chains typologies have been utilized to analyze their dynamics (Aubry & Kebir, 2013). Marsden et al. (2000) identify three main types: face-to-face, spatial proximity, and spatially extended. Others authors suggested typologies based on the number of intermediaries involved in the sale of the products, considering as important a minimum of intermediaries for a direct contact between the producer and the consumer (Caccia, 2012). Furthermore, Leader (2000) considers that short channels have many forms of marketing that can be done through: (1) direct sales in the small-farmer production unit, (2) pre-order or selling by mail or internet, (3) producers shop, (4) home delivery, (5) selling to local restaurants, (6) selling to businesses, (7) selling at fairs, local markets, and shows, and (8) sale combined with cultural or tourist services (i.e. agritourism).

The need to identify factors of proximity between producers and consumers and the benefits of its relationship (exchange of information and knowledge, transparency, trust, among others) are common elements in all short food supply chains typologies. This paper used the typology suggested by Marsden et al. (2000), which enables us to better understand the proximity relations involved in the local market in Mexico, particularly tianguis in Nopala. Short food supply chains are, then, understood as those marketing strategies based on the logic and strategies of sale of small-scale producers for the direct sale of fresh products with minimal or no intermediaries. These short chains enable a direct contact between the producer and the consumer, allowing for the creation of dialogues around the food product, based on food symbolism and a logic of satisfaction of shared expectations.

Different authors had studied short food supply chains from different dimensions: from their social, economic, and environmental impacts (Kneafsey et al., 2013), their contribution to urban agriculture (Aubry & Kebir, 2013), their resilience characteristics (Smith, Lawrence, MacMahon, & Muller, 2016), and the economic incentives that farmers obtain due to their participation in these alternative marketing channels (Verhaegen & Von Huylenbroeck, 2001). Holloway et al. (2007) propose the idea that particular food projects can be understood as arranged across a series of interrelated analytical fields in ways that make their operation possible, highlighting the importance of the understanding of how producers-consumers linkages are organized. According to Holloway et al. (2007), the analytical framework must consider the following aspects: (a) site of food production, (b) food production methods, (c) supply chain, (d) arena of exchange, (e) producer-consumer interaction, (f) motivation of participation, and (g) constitution of individual and group identities.

We consider the previous ideas as an adequate framework to better understand the modes of food provisioning in small rural communities in Mexico. This, in order to fully comprehend how producers-consumers linkages are organized through the analysis of short food supply chains used by small-scale producers (SSPs) as mechanisms to sell their eggs in local markets, better known in Mexico as tianguis. In this study, tianguis is understood as a local or regional market where SSPs can meet other producers and consumers, sell goods produced locally, and buy products they do not produce in their production unit. The tianguis takes place only once a week as producers require some time to accumulate a certain quantity of products for their later sale at the tianguis (Paré, 1975). According to Paré (1975) tianguis can function as a means that joins peasant economy with capitalist economy.

This study focuses its analysis in the Nopala tianguis, which is one of the most important local rural markets of the municipality of Nopala de Villagrán, Mexico. We intend to identify the benefits of producers-consumers linkages in short food supply chains mentioned by Murdoch and Miele (1999), Renting et al. (2003), and Pratt (2007).

Therefore, the aim of this study was to identify and understand producers-consumers linkages and their benefits, thought the analysis of short food supply chains. This study focuses its analysis in a case of study in the Nopala tianguis in rural Mexico, through the adaptation of a methodological framework proposed by Holloway et al. (2007).

The present study was developed in Nopala de Villagrán, Hidalgo, Mexico. The research was conducted between February and May of 2016, and was carried out in two phases. The first phase consisted of three exploratory visits of two communities of the municipality (La Cuchilla and Siempreviva). Through the direct observation of small-scale egg production systems (SSEPSs) and informal dialogues with the SSPs, it was possible to identify common egg-production practices in their production system and the main mechanisms used by them for the sale of eggs outside their rural communities. The second phase consisted in exploratory visits to the Nopala tianguis of the municipality.

Through direct observation and the snowball procedure, it was possible to identify SSPs that sold their egg in the tianguis, intermediaries involved in the trade of egg produced in small-scale conditions, and egg consumers.

In order to understand the short food supply chains used by the SSP for the sale of egg in the Nopala tianguis, a 10-question semi-structured questionnaire was administered to five of them.

A total of 120 different stalls in the tianguis were identified; only three of them were involved in the trade of eggs produced under small-scale conditions. In these stalls intermediaries could purchase, sell, and/or barter the eggs. A specially designed 10-question semi-structured questionnaire was administered to the three intermediaries previously identified as to understand their role in the short supply chains of eggs.

In order to understand producer-consumer linkages at the point of sale, a structured questionnaire divided in two parts (egg consumption preferences and small-scale producer-consumer linkages) was administered to 16 consumers at the Nopala tianguis, who were identified through direct observation while they were doing their shopping there.

The methodological framework proposed by Holloway et al. (2007) was adjusted to analyze the obtained data. The analytical fields included were: (1) site of food production, (2) food production methods, (3) supply chain, (4) arena of exchange, (5) producer-consumer interaction, and (6) motivation of participation.

Small-scale poultry production system in different rural communities of Mexico (Centeno, López, & Juárez, 2007) is one of the most representative livestock production system in rural areas, where family members are involved in the development of this activity for the attainment of family welfare (Zaragoza et al., 2011).

The sale of poultry products originated in small-scale production systems is an alternative for SSPs to obtain extra income. Nevertheless, as authors like Jeréz et al. (2009) explain, they had faced obstacles in reaching the quantity and a constant supply of food products for the local market. In this study, data showed that SSPs used two different short food supply chains for the individual sale of their eggs inside Nopala tianguis depending of the benefits they sought to obtain.

SSPs were able to use different short food supply chains: direct sale/barter (face-to-face), or intermediation (cases of spatial proximity). As Caccia (2012) explains, clearly the mentioned alternative is not about replacing one short chain with another; the strategy consists in gradually strengthening the sectors and activities of the economy that allow for the integration of a greater contingent of SSPs who also need to develop their own social and productive participatory capabilities, taking their own initiatives as a starting point.

In the present study, the synergy or complementarity use of short food supply chains with circuits dominated by large companies and the Nopala tianguis was not found. The diversity of supply chains used by SSPs showed that they were developing marketing strategies outside long food supply system, where they could take active part of the selling decision making. This role empowered them and fostered their autonomy, enabling them to have a local and regional outreach for the distribution of eggs without representing high transact costs for SSPs or by forcing them to be part of contractual arrangements, cooperatives, or any kind of farmers’ organization.

Bartering was specially used when SSPs did not have money to buy food, which means that eggs enable them to obtain complementary food, especially during times of cash shortage. As reported by Jeréz et al. (2009), the exchange of eggs for other products is very common at rural local markets.

Even though Verhaegen and Von Huylenbroeck (2001) explain that collective marketing chains saved time and money in marketing activities in comparison with individual sales, in this case the use of different short food supply chains as an individual strategy for the sale of egg enable SSPs to choose the short chain that better fits with their current situation. Also, it gives them the opportunity to distribute their egg in an inexpensive way within the local market dynamic context.

Despite the benefits found in this study from sourcing food locally, as Pearson and Henryks (2011) explain, it is not possible to suggest that this type of food sourcing offers a complete alternative to a globalized economy. Local systems are not capable of offering many products, nor are they able to provide many existing products in the volumes required by contemporary diets.

As Pratt (2007), Santini and Gómez (2013) report, the use of short food supply chains enables SSPs to create connections and associations in the production space/place through the direct sale of products, allowing them to explain to consumers the origin, characteristics, and intrinsic quality of the food products. This situation would not be possible with the use of long food supply chains (Verhaegen & Von Huylenbroeck, 2001).

Since food is constructed, biologically, psychologically, and socially by the consumer (Fischler, 1988), data showed that consumers’ valued the egg itself in two ways: tangibly with particular sensory and physical qualities, on the one hand, and intangibly, on the other. The intangible attributes considered the significance and symbolism that consumers assigned to the egg according to the knowledge they obtained as a result of dialogues and exchange of information with producers at the point of sale regarding the origin of the egg and egg production practices. Consumers preferred to buy eggs through the use of short food supply chains due to the interpersonal ties and trust that they have developed with SSPs and their forms of production in small-scale conditions, which are related with more natural production practices, fresh, and healthy products.

The intangible attributes valued by consumers were similar to a case of study reported in France, where consumers explained the reasons to buy local food through short food supply chains, because of its better taste, quality and freshness, flavor, cleanliness from chemicals, and its knowledge of origin (Kneafsey et al., 2013). The actual change of consumers’ perception of food products has been fed by a growing distrust in the quality of food stemming from conventional agriculture (Renting et al., 2003).

The tangible attributes assessed by the consumers differed from those reported by Senbeta, Zekele and Molla (2015), who mention that the most important egg characteristics for consumers’ acceptability were weight and freshness, as well as shell cleanliness and quality. Other studies reported that consumers mentioned egg freshness as well as the eggshell color as the main factors that determined consumers’ acceptability (Jeréz et al., 2009; Ayim & Akonor, 2014). Contrary to this claim, in this study data showed that eggshell color did not constitute an important basis that influenced consumers’ preference, since only 9.09 % of the interviewees mentioned shell color as an important attribute of the egg.

Consumers considered that egg size was not a relevant element since they explained that eggs with different sizes denote the naturalness of the egg production. These data contrast with authors like Senbeta et al. (2015), who reported that more than 95 % of consumers considered egg size as the most important factor that affected their decision making at the time of purchase, given that most of them preferred large eggs to maximize their utility.

The consumers’ preferences of certain product were reflected in their food demand. In this case, data highlighted that all consumers preferred eggs produced in small-scale conditions above the commercial ones due to the intangible and tangible attributes eggs had and that they highly value. These specific niches represent real opportunities for SSPs by creating new opportunities through the appreciation of local food. An explanation proposed by Murdoch and Miele (1999) was that a clear information and knowledge regarding place, producers, and the type of farming practices, enable the food to be more desirable for consumption.

As Espeitx (1996) explains, the attributes valued by consumers were the manifestation of a social climate that does not necessarily equate to homogeneous or shared discourses among all potential consumers, but rather reflect more or less the general trends among consumers.

In this study we found that egg production practices were linked to the patterns of consumption, which were based on the symbolic nature of food production and that evoked sustainable livestock production systems. These patterns represent tangible opportunities for the sale of products generated under this production system.

Diverse food consumption patterns constitutes a range of opportunities to add value, from the consumers point of view (Brambila, 2011), through the improvement of livestock practices and production processes in small-scale production systems.

Similar to what Hinrichs (2000) explains about consumer-producer relationship in the USA, in this study was also denoted that producers-consumers linkages thought short food supply chains was not formal or contractual, but rather the fruit of familiarity, habit, and sentiment, seasoned by perception of value on both sides.

Even though short chains are usually associated with a better product quality or more sustainable production and commercial practices, this relationship is not automatic, since the location of the production alone does not guarantee the attainment of quality or safety attributes, and does not assure that they are products with low environmental impact or attributes of social responsibility (Winter 2003; Aubry & Kebir 2013). Similar to what Renting et al. (2003) explain, data showed that producer-consumer linkages enable closeness that increase consumers’ knowledge of the origin and characteristics of the egg that allow regaining consumer trust, guaranteeing food quality in credible ways through proximity. In this sense, even though the egg did not have any safety or quality certificates, it was considered by consumers as a safe and non-risky product due to the confidence that they had in the SSPs and their egg production practices.

Data showed that small-scale egg producers of rural communities were able to develop a market space outside traditional food supply chains, through the use of short food supply chains. Small-scale producers used two different short-chains for the sale of egg in the Nopala tianguis: direct sale/barter (face-to-face) or intermediation (cases of spatial proximity). The different short food supply chains identified in this study showed that these marketing strategies were an alternative for small-scale producers that allowed them to sell their eggs in a context where they took active part in the selling decision-making. This role empowered them and fostered their autonomy, enabling them to sell their eggs in an individual form without the need of being part of a cooperative organization.

The physical approach with a more direct contact between producer and consumer though short food supply chains enabled linkages of closeness, confidence, trust, and exchange of information, which increased consumers’ knowledge regarding the origin of egg and production practices, and allowed for the creation of food symbolism. This knowledge enabled consumers to value egg produced in small-scale conditions in two ways, due to their tangible attributes (particular sensory and physical qualities), and intangible attributes (natural, healthy, fresh, and safe egg).