For the study, 43 people between 38 and 92 years of age were interviewed, 15 male and 28 female. Also, 17 were family farmers with a rural housing and in agricultural activity, and 26 were retired farmers as rural workers, according to which 16 lived on a rural property, and 10 resided at the seat of their respective municipality. The 10 interviews with residents in seats of municipalities were considered as proceeding from the rural areas, by the fact that their identity has been based on the day-to-day experiences of the farmer. Therefore, their rurality is maintained, according to Wanderley (2001). The main economic activities of the respondents include extensive cattle breeding with production of meat, milk and locally made cheese; pine nut-araucaria harvesting; production of grains (corn and beans) intended for their own consumption; and vegetable production for the institutional market via the Food Acquisition Program (Lei 12,512, 2011) and the National School Feeding Program (Lei 11,947, 2009).

It was possible to identify 4 distinct categories among the informants through the qualitative character approach. From this finding, a typology was elaborated, characterizing the different meanings of ethnotherapy knowledge, as well as the different ways to apply this knowledge (Table 1). It should be noted that the preparation of these categories had the purpose of assisting the understanding of the sampling universe studied, with different intentions and capabilities in the social function performed in the communities in which they live (Minayo, 2004).

Table 1 Table 1 Typology of the holder of ethnobotanical knowledge associated with its phototherapy practice and social function in the Southern Plateau of Santa Catarina, 2012

Type	Characteristic	Key factor
a	People whose phytotherapeutic knowledge is associated to the healing practice and religious rituals, not essentially Catholic. These healers are sought to heal both physical diseases and emotional and/or cultural diseases.	Healers
b	Individuals who have restructured their phytotherapeutic knowledge with the support of pastoral institutions, getting involved in the free public assistance, handling of phytotherapeutic items and homeopathic preparations. General activities developed voluntarily in Catholic churches, as well as in the dousing of these individuals.	Popular therapists
c	People that feel the need of rescuing phytotherapy and attend courses on cultivation, use and handling of medicinal plants. They seek information in the media and the church, among other information ways. However, they only practice what they learn from their family members.	Restructurers of knowledge
d	People having phytotherapeutic knowledge from the exchanges with neighbors and among communities. However, they do not seek improvement regarding the phytotherapeutic items, even considering their knowledge as basic or without depth/wealth.	Cultural heirs

Source: own work

The healers (a) revealed an expressiveness that goes beyond the borders of their rural community and their municipality, and may have their phytotherapeutic practices sought by people from other regions of the State of Santa Catarina. According to Lins (2014), even with the organization of health care services, starting from the 20th century, the healers retained the legitimation of their practices towards society, in social and cultural contexts that allowed the survival of these agents. In this study, the set of plants used by these benedictory was restricted to 13 plant species. Consecuently, medicinal plants assume a more symbolic reference than what derives from their bioactive functions. Therapeutic techniques of healers’ category involve preparations, mainly garrafadas (phytotherapeutic preparation involving the maceration of one or more plants in alcohol, whose application is usually for external use), in addition to fresh plants. In general, the practice of healing has a strong relationship with religion, but not only that predominates in such community (Senderski & Sochodolak, 2013). The monk João Maria is an emblematic reference to that kind of healing ritual for people living in rural areas of the Southern Plateau of Santa Catarina. João Maria was a messianic person and pilgrim, according to popular knowledge; a person that provided healing actions and baptisms, through healers, combined with rituals involving water, soil, and plants (Alves, 2010). The phytoterapeutic current practice exercised by the healers presents similarities with those practiced by the monk João Maria (Ludka, Feitosa, & Fraga 2012). Such aspect is evident in popular nomenclature assigned to some plants cited during the interviews, such as the São João Maria toilet brush (Baccharis caprariifolia) and São João Maria parreirinha (Alternanthera sp.).

The second category aggregates popular therapists (b), which provide free public service; people whose knowledge and healing techniques are structured from formal bodies such as the health and pastoral land, and popular therapy centers. Antonio, Tesser and Moretti-Pires (2013), in the metadata analysis, proposed a similar categorization, identifying as popular therapists a series of not professionalized experts, establishing ties with individuals whose access to biomedical service is limited. In the present study, the popular therapists category plays a phytotherapeutic practice associated to a broad range of medicinal plants (27 cited plant species). A peculiarity among the popular therapists occurs in relation to the prevalence of use of exotic species. Such aspect seems to evidence the influence of knowledge formed in training courses, which, in general, focuses on exotic medicinal species, grown in backyards and gardens. It is possible to view this on the contents of booklets and handouts used by entities such as the health pastoral (Rossato, Pierini, Amaral, Santos, & Citadini-Zanette, 2012). The preparations used by popular therapists are elaborated with more defined methods than other categories, involving processed herbal medicines, such as ointments, syrups, tinctures, soaps, and homeopathic preparations.

The third category (c) is represented by individuals who seek to restructure their knowledge, from what they know, through courses offered by public extension agents, local free associations, health and agriculture departments, etc. They differ from the popular therapists category (b) because they do not devote themselves to public service. According to an analysis of the courses offered by the National Rural Learning Service (Senar) in the State of Minas Gerais, during a 10-year period, 6 courses were offered on the cultivation and use of medicinal plants for family farmers belonging to such organization (Oliveira, 2005). In that category (c), the restructurers of knowledge also seek to complement the knowledge that they have inherited with information from written, spoken, and televised media, herbal medicine pharmacies, basic health units, and related bibliography. Such aspect was also highlighted by Senderski and Sochodolak (2013), in their comparative study on semi-institutionalized and not institutionalized therapeutic practices in the Center-South of Paraná. This group has an experience based on the average of 17 plant species. Such category brings together people with an average age of 50 years, and represents a group that remembers how the ancients knew the plants, but feel that this knowledge has suffered erosion and doubt the validity of what they already know. Because of this, they dedicate themselves to rebuilding this outline, to resume it in their lives and their families, through their legitimacy with external information.

The fourth category of cultural heirs (d) is composed of the true guardians of the story that is retold, and aggregates individuals who have phytotherapeutic knowledge derived from the family and the community living together. In their study, Antonio et al. (2013) identified a similar group, defining it as familiar herbs practitioners, characterized by healing practices entered in family contexts, including recipes and homemade formulas of herbal medicinal remedies. In the present study, the cultural heirs category reported a total of 17 species of plants used in their preparations. The words of one of the informants shows the hereditary aspect of knowledge: “I learned to use the herbs with my grandmother, my father’s mother. Nearby there was also a very old woman who taught me a lot of medicines, before she died.” However, people in this category were described as holders of a less significant knowledge, as follows: “I don’t know much, but the little I know, I can tell you.”

Informants from the 4 categories illustrate the descriptive and qualitative differences in using herbal medicines. On the other hand, there were no differences in relation to the number of medicinal plants used among the 4 groups (p = 0.06). According to Albuquerque and Hanazaki (2006), the meaning of the choices that individuals make cannot be seized always by quantitative techniques.

Studies carried out by the World Health Organization have shown that socioeconomic inequalities among countries, coupled with the standard model of modern medicine, have promoted health care for only 1/3 of the world population (Luz, 1997). It is not a coincidence that 70% to 90% of the populations of developing countries use medicinal plants to treat diseases, especially in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East (WHO, 2011). In Brazil, Rodrigues and Simoni (2010) report that 82% of the population makes use of medicinal plants and herbal medicines as the first cure strategy. The types of maintainers identified by the present study demonstrate that the popular use of medicinal plants has not been applied and reproduced over time, despite the pressure of the pharmaceutical industry with modern medicine. The possibility of accessing curative itineraries different from those offered in public healthcare units represents a reliable option, supported by the sociocultural aspect of trust in these alternative healing systems. For non-privileged social classes, unable to access the private health care system, the use of medicinal plants in curing diseases represents the only possible therapeutic resource (Marques, 2009).

The categories of higher frequency in the use of medicinal plants, expressed by the value of diversity use index (VDU), were for digestive disturbances (n = 175; VDU = 0.177) and the respiratory system (n = 117; VDU = 0.118) (Figure 1). According to Monteiro et al. (2006), VDU measures the importance of categories in a studied social group. There are elements in the statement of one of the informants that illustrate this possibility.

People who grew up here were cured by these plants with what they had here. [A] doctor was only found in Lages, there was no good road to get there. The solution was to heal with what we had. Flu was cured with tea and eggnog, and bed.

Figure 1

* VDU.

** Information does not fit in the categories.

*** Diseases related to emotions, beliefs and not exactly to physical infirmities.