Papel Político journal of the Faculty of Political Science and International Relations of the Pontificia Universidad Javeriana (Bogotá) is a semi-annual periodical publication, which disseminates the intellectual production of the international and national academic community in the field of Political Science and International Relations. Since 2002, the magazine has kept open its call for the reception of articles, which are submitted to a double academic peer evaluation process as a prerequisite for publication. ISSN: 2145-0617 (Online) | ISSN: 0122-4409 (Print)
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Caring Practices in the University Feminist Movement: A Case Study of Mexican University Women
This work aims to delve into the care practices that the feminist student community provides to their colleagues and themselves with the aim of guaranteeing that the accompaniment processes in feminist collectives are kinder for them and their environment. Through this research, an analysis will be carried out on the ways in which university women have sought to promote spaces of care within the militancy itself and in this way resist the violence exerted by their environments. This research is carried out through a qualitative analysis of in-depth interviews with twelve student activists in Mexico. The results delve into a review of her approach to feminism and the university student movement; the care practices that they identify in their relationships within the collective ones; as well as the inspiration and impact that being part of these associations has generated. The results complete the theme of care since they reflect that, although the students carry out various activities to take care of each other and find care techniques for themselves, the reality is that in most cases the work wears them out in such a way that it reflects how care work is carried out only by women. It concludes with the proposal to generate a questioning of the system, which allows for more comprehensive care from all sides.
Dossies especial. Prácticas políticas feministas en América Latina: repertorios de acción, agendas de lucha y desafíos de los feminismos actuales
Copyright (c) 2025 Raquel Ortiz-Ledesma https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Feminist Political Practices in Latin America: Repertoires of Action, Agendas of Struggle and Challenges of Current Feminisms
Copyright (c) 2025 Merarit Viera Alcazar https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Public Care Policies: Debates on the Gender Agenda for Social Transformation in Peru
This article aims to reflect on the current state of public care policies in Peru in relation to their importance for social transformation and the priority they receive from the State, considering a context with multiple setbacks in women's rights. The debate focuses mainly on analyzing the positions that do not guarantee care as a human right. It also studies how the stagnation of this struggle by women affects the gender equality agenda. To this end, an overview of the advances and main setbacks in public policy in Peru within the regional context of Latin America will be developed. Next, the current debate will be analyzed from a gender perspective to assess its impact on the social transformation of a patriarchal system that continues to oppress women, with a state that does not guarantee care as a cornerstone of sustainable living. At the regional level, there have been many advances in relation to care, which is why it is urgent to raise awareness about the situation in Peru, since it is one of the countries that is in the last places on the path towards a structural transformation towards a society organized according to care.
Copyright (c) 2025 Maireth Dueñas Chinchay https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Sports Sanctions as an Application of Smart Power. Case of the Russian Invasion of Ukraine
Major international sporting events are part of sports diplomacy and are generally associated with soft power. However, when studying various sporting events throughout the 20th and 21st centuries, it is observed that some are distinguished by materializing exercises of intelligent power by state and non-state actors. The current sports sanctions against Russia for the invasion of Ukraine are a contemporary example that shows the use of sports as a tool of pressure and coercion to force changes in the behavior of a State. This means that it is used to exercise hard power, affecting the image of the pressured State and reinforcing the reputation of the subjects of public international rights, originating/States and derivatives/international organizations, which exert various types of pressure, soft, intelligent and strong. The main conclusions describe and analyze the smart power measures adopted from sports diplomacy by state and non-state agents within the proposed case study.
Copyright (c) 2025 Diana Patricia Arias Henao, Juan Carlos García Perilla, Fredy Alberto Velásquez Barón https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Chihuahua: Genealogical Essay of Organized Students (1965-2024)
This paper proposes that in the frontier and Mexican state of Chihuahua a tradition of student mobilization of women has crystallized, although in its beginnings it did not identify itself necessarily with feminist postulates, it did continually proclaim the need to defend, promote and enunciate in “high voice” their own actions as young women, students and left wing advocates in the 60’s-70’s decades. Divided into three sections, the text presents the first student movements housed in the former University of Chihuahua; then it presents the way in which this movements could be related to the creation of the ENAH-Chihuahua in the late 90’s; and finally closes with the participation of those who are currently students of history in the latest student movement that has taken place at the Autonomous University of Chihuahua in 2024.
Copyright (c) 2025 Nithia Castorena Sáenz, Guadalupe Miranda Sáenz, Danaé Baylón González https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
What does the “Fourth Wave” Hide? Reflections from the Analysis of Feminist Demonstrations
This article presents two characteristics of the feminist manifestation that the metaphor of the “fourth wave” tends to hide. It does so from a sociological perspective interested in collective action and is based on original research results derived from a case study of manifestations held between 2001 and 2019 in La Plata, capital of the province of Buenos Aires, Argentina. The first characteristic polemicizes with the periodization of the “fourth wave”. Our research shows that this is part of increase in the number of annual collective actions since at least 2001. The second characteristic alludes to the temporalities of participation of the collective agents that protested during the “fourth wave”. Our study reveals that the recent conflict is also based on the articulation between autonomous feminisms and unions, political parties and socio-territorial organizations, whose dynamics of involvement exceed the feminist waves. The article is based on two data construction techniques: firstly, twenty-nine interviews; secondly, the creation of an archive of feminist manifestations based on web scraping and manual consultation of journalistic sources.
Copyright (c) 2025 Juliana Esquivel https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Networks and Feminist Alliances: Strategies Defending Sexual and (Non) Reproductive Rights in Tucumán, Argentina
The cases of violation of the rights of Belén and Lucía, which occurred in Tucumán, Argentina between 2014 and 2019, allow us to study the alliance between feminist legal defenses with some media, women’s and human rights organizations, which emerged to give them visibility, control the narratives of what happened and occupy public space. All of this took place in a historical, social and political framework that made it possible to talk about women’s rights and their sexual and (non) reproductive health, especially about abortion. We analyze here the strategies deployed by the agents involved in both cases, their defense attorneys, in two senses: alliances with journalistic media to occupy the agenda and transcend provincial borders and the link with the struggle of women’s movements. All of this also revealed the failures of the provincial State and the need to have communicators with a gender perspective, who recognizes the violation of the rights of women and diversities and who disputes a social order that is intended to be fixed and immutable.
Copyright (c) 2025 Carla Mora Augier https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The Power of the Fanzine and the Feminist Archive: Stakes for Weaving Activist Memory
The aim of this paper is to analyze the place of fanzines in the construction and preservation of the collective memory of the feminist movement, and its relationship with other feminist archival practices. It examines the themes, issues and demands addressed in feminist fanzines, and their relationship with feminist agendas situated in different moments and contexts. Based on Participatory Action Research (PAR) in fanzine spaces framed within feminist activisms, theoretical concepts such as feminist cultural practices, feminist archives and memory, experience and joyful militancy are addressed. This reflective article involves a necessary dialogue and a contribution to think about the importance of safeguarding feminist historical memory through the fanzine as a tool for creation, collection, systematization and construction of situated knowledge, as well as contributing to the memory of debates and analysis in contemporary feminism, in continuity with the genealogies that have built it, understanding the process of feminist appropriation as a spiral endowed with practices and tools of creation and collaboration from which we name ourselves, position ourselves, re-signify discourses and histories, make memory and re-weave it.
Copyright (c) 2025 Alejandra Nallely Collado Campos https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Feminist Activisms of Young Mexican Women: Insurrection in Art and Politics
In the current situation of Mexican feminism, it is possible to identify various forms of activism with which young women seek to respond to the resurgence of patriarchal violence in the country. Immersed in this context, this research raised from feminist epistemologies and cultural studies, sought to understand the artistic political action of two projects that perform feminist graphic in Mexico City: reaciaediciones and yellooowgirl. To do this, three aspects were addressed: the public spaces where the graphic is distributed (streets of the city and the social network Instagram), the creative process of the young artists and the aesthetic proposal that the images represent for the current feminist imaginary. Using the methodology of narrative productions and the aesthetic analysis of some images of the projects, it was possible to conclude that the creators of the projects subvert the impositions of gender and youth they face through the artistic political action they carry out with the creation and distribution of their graphic work. In doing so, they open alternative spaces for art and politics that challenge the hegemonic conceptions of these fields, thus contributing to a feminist imaginary enriched with counterhegemonic images.
Copyright (c) 2025 Selvia Mirtala Vargas Kotasek https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Experiences of Feminist Activism in Argentinean Science and Technology as a Form of Epistemic Resistance
This article explores the phenomenon of feminist techno-scientific activism in the Argentinean context as a form of epistemic resistance. It first analyzes the relationship between science, activism, and feminism, examining how feminist researchers challenge power structures and gender inequalities in science. It then defines feminist techno-scientific activism as that which seeks to transform the sector’s reality from a gender perspective and presents examples of networks and collectives of feminist scientists in Argentina that act as safe spaces and promote inclusion, denunciation, and the creation of inclusive policies. Likewise, the final objective is to reveal, through the testimonies of women scientists, the personal experiences that led them to engage in feminism in science and to highlight the importance of recognizing and valuing the work of feminist techno-scientific activism as a form of resistance that seeks to transform the production of knowledge and build a more just and egalitarian world, to combat patriarchal violence and promote inclusion in science.
Copyright (c) 2025 María Victoria Cano Colazo https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Understanding the Success of Causa Justa: Organizational, Discursive and Institutional Factors in the Struggle for the Decriminalization of Abortion in Colombia
This article examines the success of the Causa Justa movement in advancing the decriminalization of abortion in Colombia, achieved through Constitutional Court ruling C-055 of 2022, which authorized abortion upon a woman's request up to the 24th week of gestation. The study adopts a qualitative methodological approach, combining documentary analysis with the coding of semi-structured interviews conducted with feminist activists. Drawing on the theoretical-analytical framework proposed by Almeida (2020), the article identifies both internal and external factors that contributed to this normative breakthrough. It is argued that the movement’s organizational capacity, the development of innovative interpretive frames, and the strategic engagement with institutional opportunities were decisive in securing this legal reform. Additionally, the analysis explores how the feminist movement employed strategic litigation and succeeded in articulating a broad and diverse coalition, encompassing both traditional actors and newer generations of activists. This research contributes to the scholarly understanding of the conditions under which feminist collective action can produce legal reforms and foster deeper cultural transformations.
Copyright (c) 2025 María Camila Moncada Guevara https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Changes in the Measurement of Sustainability in the Paradigm of the Ecological Civilization: An Analysis of the Province of Guizhou
The main objective of this paper is to analyze the paradigm shift for assessing environmental sustainability in the context of Ecological Civilization in China. To this end, a case study of Guizhou, one of the provinces with the highest poverty rates and lowest urbanization in the country, was carried out. The theoretical framework underpinning this analysis is based on the sociological theory of Risk Society by Beck (2000, 2010, 2011) and the discussions about the recent transformations of the concept of the Chinese Ecological Civilization (Pan, 2016; Zhang, 2021; Weins et al., 2023). The research fulfills exploratory purposes and adopts bibliographic and documentary analysis and selection for the understanding of the topic and the case study. Early results indicate that the indicators and assessment tools of Ecological Civilization in the province have a qualitative rather than quantitative approach, combined with widely adopted data measurement methodologies, such as Fuzzy, TOPSIS and AHP multi-criteria decision methods. The study points to alternative paths in the sustainability debate.
Copyright (c) 2025 Najara Escarião Agripino Agripino, Niklas Werner Weins https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Alcances y límites del nuevo ciclo progresista en América Latina: presentación del dosier
Dossier - Alcances y límites del nuevo ciclo progresista en América Latina
Copyright (c) 2024 Héctor Ignacio Martínez Álvarez http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
State crisis in Ecuador: from the post-neoliberal state to the predatory state
The aim of this paper is to address the political process that led to the neoliberalization of the state and subsequent state crisis in Ecuador during the period 2017-2023. This was possible through two mechanisms: the state capture of the State by the dominant sectors and the implementation of lawfare by antipopulist blok to neutralize correísmo as a political force, during the government of L. Moreno. Anti-Correism operated as a political identity capable of structuring the political field. The text argues that from the post-neoliberal State configured during the governments of R. Correa (2007-2017), it went from a corporatized State "upwards", captured by the elites and later during the government of the banker G. Lasso, to a predatory State at the service of the private and corrupt appropriation of public revenues by the economic-financial elites.
Ecuador; State; state crisis; state capture; predatory State; correism
Copyright (c) 2024 Soledad Stoessel http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The Frente de Todos government, or the failure of the search for the impossible consensus
This article analyzes the arrival of the Frente de Todos government in Argentina in 2019, as part of a second cycle of progressive or popular governments in the region. After the neo-developmentalist experience of Kirchnerism, the country experienced a government with neoliberal policies (with the Cambiemos coalition) that plunged it into a severe crisis, to which was added the one generated by the pandemic. The government of the Frente de Todos promised to generate a process of growth with redistribution, but was unable to do so. This article, based on a political economy perspective, argues that the underlying reason lies in the government's consensual emphasis, which sought to avoid the re-foundational intentions of one part of the coalition, namely Kirchnerism itself. The intention of agreeing even with the winners of the previous period limited the possibilities of acting in pursuit of a redistributive process or structural change, thus limiting the margins for action. Faced with the lack of economic results, but also in the biases of the management of the pandemic, a radical right-wing criticism grew in the opposition, which modified the political scenario.
Neo-developmentalism, New Right-wings, Sovereign Debt, Pandemic, Argentina
Copyright (c) 2024 Francisco Cantamutto http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The class struggle in Peru: The rise and fall of a left-wing president, 2021-2023
The election of Pedro Castillo as the first left-wing Peruvian president in 2021, the candidate of the Marxist-oriented political party Perú Libre, came as a surprise for society in general and for the political Right in particular. On December 7, 2022, Castillo put an end to his presidency. In this article we intend to shed light on the reasons for Castillo’s rise to political power, his fall and the emergence of a new social movement against the authoritarian regime of Dina Boluarte. We conclude that Castillo has never been a threat to the economic interests of capital. His presidency did not have the political and social bases to start processes towards structural and radical political, economic, social and cultural transformation. Furthermore, his presidency did not have the capacities to develop and implement proposals that would harm the interests of capital. We argue that Castillo was politically, economically and socially auto-castrated. By putting an end to his presidency, Castillo took the initiative in the class struggle resulting in the authoritarian regime of Boluarte and the emergence of a new social movement based in the regions with possibilities to become hegemonic.
Peru, Pedro Castillo, left, authoritarianism, political crisis, class struggle
Copyright (c) 2024 Jan Lust http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Second generation progressivism: between gatopardism and social reforms as the foundations of transformation. A look at the governments of Mexico, Argentina and Colombia
We are going through uncertain times. The world crisis that we have been witnessing since 2007 and that was accentuated by the health emergency derived from SARS-COVID 19 has hit very hard the conditions of existence of the working classes and the popular sectors and has opened important debates on the ways to build a way out. The progressivisms of the 21st century, both first and second generation, have not been oblivious to this discussion. On the contrary, they have taken an active role and in most cases have turned to the slogan of solving the crisis. There are some differences between the two waves of alternative governments, both in terms of context and the challenges they face. It is not possible to approach them from a trajectory of continuity. It is not simply a matter of a second season of progressivism. The latter, for the most part, face a "recharged" right wing, a crisis that is taking on new nuances and desperate and impoverished societies that vitally cannot wait any longer. This article questions the general policy trends that have accompanied three of these governments: Andrés Manuel López Obrador in Mexico, Alberto Fernández in Argentina and more recently Gustavo Petro in Colombia. And although it does not attempt to present exhaustive assessments, it does seek to identify some issues that allow us to indicate trajectories and general trends of the political process experienced.
Progressivism, hegemonic crisis, social reforms, Mexico´s fourth transformation, Colombia world power of life.
Copyright (c) 2024 Carolina Jimenez Martin http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Presidential recall on Venezuela, Bolivia and Mexico (2004-2023). Political impasse and popular participation
A feature that has distinguished progressive governments in the region is the use of direct democracy tools, used to promulgate new constitutions, to consult in making important public decisions and as tools to revoke mandates. The use of these tools and their implications are part of the current discussions about democratic representation in the region and about the democratic quality of the regimes and governments that use them. Particularly, the revocation of mandate has been used in Venezuela (2004-2016), Bolivia (2008) and Mexico (2022); However, its exercise has raised questions about the characteristics of its implementation and its political use, particularly considering that the demand for political participation comes from the origin of progesisms, that is, in its relationship with social and political movements that promoted them. This article analyzes the three cases of recall referendums considering the political context in which they originated and their correspondence with the demands for greater popular political participation.
Presidential ratification, direct democracy, progressist, democracy.
Copyright (c) 2024 Laura Patricia Cruz Medel, Octavio Humberto Moreno Velador http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The bolivian puzzle. Ups and downs of the Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) in power. Reflections on a two-stage game
The Latin American situation in general and in South America in particular, encourages the analysis of social, political and economic processes that the region is currently undergoing, as a product of its own dynamics and systemic factors. In this context, the article, of a qualitative nature, reflects on the two cycles that, for the moment, mark the permanence of MAS in the bolivian executive and the roller coaster of South American progressivism: Evo Morales administrations (2006-2019) and the current presidency of Luis Arce. As results, the paper identified the nodal events of domestic order, which are constitutive of both administrations, as well as the regional contexts of each period. In closing, an approach is made to the challenges which are faced by the Arce-Choquehuanca binomial, paying special attention to intra-party disputes.
Bolivia, MAS, Evo Morales, Luis Arce, progressivism
Copyright (c) 2024 Natalia Ceppi http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The rise of Milei in Argentina and the new extreme right in Latin America
The purpose of this article is to reflect on the characteristics of the new far-right political forces and governments that emerged in Latin America after the closure of the previous progressive cycle (or pink tide). In the first section, we move towards a characterization of these forces and governments through a discussion of the concept of neofascism and focusing on the case of the recent Bolsonaro government in Brazil. In the second section, we inscribe Milei's recent electoral rise in Argentina within this framework of the rise of new rights and analyze some of its most outstanding features. The conclusions articulate our overall argument.
Far right; neofascism; Latin America; Bolsonaro; Milei
Copyright (c) 2024 Alberto Bonnet http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Lessons and Challenges for the Design of Peace Education Policies in Colombia
The article offers a tour through some scenarios of education in societies in conflict with the purpose of pointing out four challenges of peace education that are part of the process initiated with the Peace Agreement in 2016. The first challenge is to erect the infrastructure of peace culture, the second is to promote the coverage of peace education, the third is the critical understanding of the conflict and the fourth is the compilation of existing efforts or practices that are summarized in the expression build on what has been built. The article suggests that previous experiences in peace building are inputs for the design of educational policies in the historical moment of the post-agreement because peace education is a long-range project and it is a task recently addressed in Colombia, which finds references in the academic literature.
Copyright (c) 2023 Angela Salas Garcia http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
LIBERALISM AND RIGHTS: BETWEEN THE CIVILIZATION CRISIS AND THE RADICAL CRITICISM
Liberal-democratic political systems are in crisis. Certain positions attribute this crisis to the tearing apart of the social integration mechanisms based on the search for equal opportunities, the exaltation of work ethics and the legitimization of hierarchies resulting from meritocratic processes. This article argues that integration problems are only the intermediate manifestation of a deeper civilizational crisis caused by the deployment of Capitalism in people’s lives. Given this finding, the following question arises: Can a renewed commitment to citizen rights restore stability to liberal-democratic political systems and eliminate the authoritarian threats that overwhelm them? The answer to this question will pose a contradiction: to rescue the liberal ideology by appealing to rights, implies they object to private property, representative democracy and the paradigm of progress, aspects that would lead to a radical critique of liberalism itself. Under these critical dimensions, the need to think of the link between rights and democracy under other criteria of dignity, human fulfillment and production of common life arises.
Copyright (c) 2024 Andres Felipe Mora Cortes, Andrea Barrea Téllez http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Evaluación del derecho al trabajo en la política pública de juventud de Santiago de Cali (2008- 2023)
Studies on public labor policies for young people are of fundamental importance in a developing country like Colombia. This qualitative article evaluates the public youth policy (PPJ) of Santiago de Cali in the workplace; analyzing the proposed YPP programs and projects, their relevance, as well as their impact on the youth population; showing that urban youth are a vulnerable population group and must overcome barriers associated with problems of social inclusion; linked to high rates of unemployment caused by the fracture between the economic, educational and productive model; fruit of disinterest and lack of political will.
Copyright (c) 2023 Alexis Alegría Rodríguez http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Opening gaps: peasant participation in institutionalized politics, studies from southwestern colombia
This article investigates the possibilities of two peasant organizations in southwestern Colombia, with a history of interaction with armed actors, to gain access to local political power through electoral means. For this purpose, Process Tracing is used as a working method, which allows us to explain the causal mechanism that allows us to explain the interaction of different factors that affect the political phenomenon to be investigated. As a result, we identify that rebel governance becomes a factor that mobilizes agencies in peasant organizations and communities, which gives them the opportunity to insert themselves in the institutional scenarios through electoral contests. In this way, it is possible to understand other ways in which peasants can reach political power beyond the classic social science analysis of peasant revolts and rebellions.
Copyright (c) 2023 Cristian Castaño http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Measuring ex-combatant reintegration as a peace dividend through the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG)*
Among peace-dividends, ex-combatants expect better living conditions than during war. However, do ex-combatants that return to civilian life have similar living conditions than average population? This case study on Colombia, analyses the living conditions of ex-combatants compared to the country’s average population by using a mixed methods approach. This research combines data from 2018 to 2020 of the reintegration program, the national household survey and police data to compare ex-combatants and average citizens using the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG). The findings show to what extent can reintegration outcomes be a positive peace dividend that contributes to development in post-conflict transitions.
Copyright (c) 2024 Dylan Herrera, Harrison Sandoval http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The municipalized community in the state of Tlaxcala: reflections on the scope of communalism in local democracy
The objective of this article is to analyze the way in which the microlocal community social order of the state of Tlaxcala is currently intertwined with its municipal political order and recognition of indigenous rights. There is a community complex in this state of the Mexican Republic that is not visible due to the absence of an indigenous movement that has claimed it. In political-administrative terms, this community complex is relatively crystallized in the sub-municipal political figures of the community presidencies, whose powers are defined in the state municipal organic law, among which it stands out to have a voice and vote in the council assemblies. In this way, the structure of the Tlaxcalan municipal council of our days includes councilors of the relative majority, of proportional representation and of the town or community. The work, then, strives to identify and recognize the possibilities and weaknesses of this institutionalized communal structure within the Tlaxcalan municipalities. The methodology used was qualitative, consisting of a critical review, content analysis, as well as the contrasting of sources at three levels: theoretical, institutional, historical-contextual, and local experiences.
Copyright (c) 2024 Miriam Zarahí Chávez Reyes, Sergio Alejandro Pérez http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Global Governance as a Theoretical Approach to International Relations and its Usefulness for Latin American Studies
The purpose of this article is to reassess global governance as a theoretical approach to International Relations, taking into account two analytical dimensions: the problem of scale (the global) and the problem of the power-authority-legitimacy relationship. Based on Michael Zürn’s theoretical proposal, developed in A Theory of Global Governance: Authority, Legitimacy, and Contestation, the general propositions and concepts that shape it are discussed, highlighting some points of contact for Latin American studies. Methodologically, a discussion of secondary sources is carried out based on a systematic strategy of reviewing the available literature. The results obtained suggest that global governance provides the theoretical tools to solve some traditional problems of International Relations in the face of cooperation and conflict, providing a perspective in which authority is not reduced to an exercise of power of the type A influences the will of B, but is a relationship that is constantly at stake. This means that authority is reflexive, as it is subject to review and questioning by the participants and, therefore, its main foundation is intersubjective recognition.
Copyright (c) 2025 Edicson Andrés Oviedo Hernández http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Between ideology and pragmatism - Brazi-US relations under the presidencies of Jaír Bolsdonaro and Donald Trump /2019-2020)
Relations between United States and Brazil have been marked over the years by phases of greater or lesser rapprochement, distancing or alignment, which can be explained (among other thingas) by different strategies in the foreign policies of both countries. Based on this observation and some conceptual differentiations proposed by Gardini, Gómez Saraiva and Herrman, the text analizes the bilateral relations during the presidencies of Donald Trump and Jaír Bolsonaro (2019 - 2020) in different economic and political areas - trade and investment, space and security, the treatment of Venezuela and relations with China - and asks whether these relaltions confirm the hypothesis of a total break with traditional Brazilian foreign policy under the two outsider presidents Trump y Bolsonaro.
Relaciones EE.UU.-Brasil; Trump y Bolsonaro; Realciones Brasil - China; americanismo y desamericanización.
Copyright (c) 2024 Klaus Bodemer http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Estrategia de Influencia en JBS y Odebrecht: alcance y objetivos estratégicos.
RESUMEN: OBJETIVO El objetivo fue identificar y categorizar los objetivos de estrategia de influencia realizados por JBS y Odebrecht para obtener ventaja competitiva en su relación con el Estado. MARCO TEÓRICO Más allá de la estrategia no mercantil, basada en la sociología económica, se propone el concepto de estrategia de influencia. MÉTODO Se utilizó el análisis de la estructura de eventos para analizar los datos, más de 35 horas de video con 27 ejecutivos de las respectivas empresas. RESULTADOS Se identificaron 23 casos de estrategias de influencia, en los que actores se utilizan de complejas acciones dentro de las relaciones empresariales - Estado en busca de ganancias de fuentes de ventajas competitivas propias de esta relación. CONCLUSIÓN Se identificó tres objetivos estratégicos comunes: ganancias de contratos, regulación/desoneraçión e influencia en la burocracia pública con estrategias desarrolladas en el ámbito municipal, estatal y federal. Palabras clave: estrategia de influencia, estrategia de no-mercado, JBS, Odebrecht, relación empresa-Estado.
Copyright (c) 2024 Rui Fernando Correia Ferreira, Felipe Fróes Couto, Bruno de Almeida Vilela http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Capacidades institucionales de los gobiernos subnacionales en periodos de crisis: el caso del departamento de Santander en Colombia, 2020-2022
The periods of recurring crisis that countries have gone through in the world reveal strengths and great weaknesses in the capacities that institutions have to face them. This article presents the results of the research on the response of the government authorities of the department of Santander in Colombia to the health crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, in order to show the degrees of multilevel articulation, the effectiveness and ways of government leadership in contingency situations. The field work used the Institutional Capacity Analysis System (SADCI) methodology, which allows the study of disruptive phenomena, whose institutional response capacity to face them involves both the administrative and political factors, and implies analysis of multidimensionality and integration. of policies. To do this, it reviews the multi-level institutional flexibility, the ability to adapt and reinvent itself to respond to this type of situation that questions the foundations of the state and its governments, as well as their capacities to respond promptly and adequately to citizen demands. The results show that, in predominantly presidential systems such as Colombia, the central role of institutional response is concentrated in the head of state and his cabinet, and thus, the degree of response to crises at the subnational level is directly related to the level of autonomy that their governments have, innovation in the midst of difficulties and the types of leadership exercised by their leaders, especially in smaller municipalities.
Copyright (c) 2023 Manuel Bayona Sarmiento http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0